Who will liberate the Khedivate's slaves, and who will liberate their slaves?

When slavery was common in America, Harriet Tubman, an African-American abolitionist who lived from the early 17th to the early 18th century, formed a secret group to save slaves. She managed to free more than 700 people. Later, when asked what the most difficult step she faced was, she said: 'Convincing someone that they were not a slave.' Such is the state of slaves in every age and era. Following Harriet's wisdom, who will convince the Khedivate's slaves that they are not slaves? The Khedivate Egypt struck the heart of its slaves' homeland, killing and dragging victims while those slaves support the aggression against them with pathetic excuses. Even more wretched and bitter is the spinelessness of the Khedivate's 'slaves' slaves'—the group to which most victims of the mining raids belong. They have not severed their ties to the Khedivate's slaves. This is a catastrophe: to be a slave to a slave is the height of baseness, degradation, and humiliation. We saw and heard their leaders; their reaction was not commensurate with the crime—submission and acceptance of indignity. What has the Khedivate done to them? It is even more bitter that some of their mouthpieces have adopted the justification of the crimes committed against them as a media line, defending it while the blood of the miners has not yet dried and their remains have not been collected or buried. This is in addition to their leader (Minawi) meeting with Khedivate figures to assure them that things are fine and that the 'eternal' (humiliating) relations remain. What kind of affront to dignity is this? If Harriet had lived in this era of 'slaves of slaves,' she would have failed to describe this miraculous phenomenon, as it is inconceivable for a slave to have a slave of their own, who submits with such humiliating and degrading submissiveness to human dignity. In truth, had it not been for Egypt, the war of April 15 would not have broken out. Egypt is the primary party responsible for the outbreak of this war, in which the blood of Sudanese people of various geographical and political orientations has flowed. Its deep reach into the Sudanese state is the mechanism by which the war was executed. Egypt knows for certain that it has slaves who do not disobey its commands, and it realizes that its deep presence in Sudan has created a political and social class that would bring them 'bird's milk' if asked. This political, social, and economic class is what cemented Egyptian control over Sudan's destiny. This class operates like the American house slaves during the days of slavery; they work and are satisfied with the crumbs of Egyptian returns, believing they have achieved a luxury they must maintain. Therefore, they pushed the country into this cursed war. Even as these words are written, the figures of this class care more about Egypt's security than their own country's. They are the only Sudanese class that does not protest Egypt's occupation of Halayeb, Shalateen, and Abu Ramad, and they grow annoyed if civilians and their leader, Dr. Abdalla Hamdok, open this file. They lament the lack of population along the strip extending from north of Al-Jaili to Halfa and even believe in the necessity of settling Egyptians along this fertile, water-rich Nile strip, while begrudging the Sudanese people arriving from Kordofan, Darfur, and the Southern Blue Nile even the mere benefit of utilizing it agriculturally and minerally. Liberating the Khedivate's slaves is a difficult task being undertaken by the Armed Founding Forces, and the slaves know—like their ancestors, the agents of the Great Khedive—that their end is near. They are certain that the tide coming from the corners of Sudan does not care for the interests of Khedivate Egypt and its tails. This tide is the only antidote to quench the thirst of the families of the victims of Egyptian raids in the mining fields. Free and honorable Sudanese have pulled the curtain on the Khedivate leader's play and emerged from the coma of false consciousness that the Khedivate created in their minds. The Khedivate is racing against time in vain after three-quarters of the country has gone to national political and administrative authorities over which the Khedivate has no control. This is the 'crazy situation' (Bobi), as Sudanese say in their popular proverbs. Egypt cannot keep its nerves together as it sees a part of its 'backyard'—and the richest, most resource-abundant part—slipping through its fingers. Therefore, its folly grows, leading it to commit crimes against humanity against Sudanese civilians and persist in encroaching on Sudanese territory in bold violation of international law and clear disregard for international and regional norms and charters. This side of the documented violations calls for the government of peace, whose capital is Nyala, to take urgent diplomatic and immediate legal action, the least of which is filing complaints with international prosecution offices and courts, including the International Court of Justice. The government of peace, according to its constitution, is a government for all of Sudan and not just for the inhabitants of the areas it controls. Ismail Abdullah Email: ismeel1@hotmail.com The post 'Who will liberate the Khedivate's slaves, and who will liberate their slaves?' appeared first on Sudanile.